Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty by Christmas?
Last September, a summit meeting was convened at Camp David involving Washington, Cairo and Jerusalem The first reports issued seemed to indicate that a peace treaty would be signed between Egypt and Israel before Christmas The agreement made major provisions for the conclusion of the treaty insofar as the Sinai question was concerned
- Both parties agreed to negotiate a peace treaty within three months, the terms of which would be implemented within two or three years of signing
- Full diplomatic as well as economic relations would be established after signing the treaty
- Egypt would regain sovereignty over the Sinai Peninsula
- Within three to nine months after signing, Israel would stage a partial military withdrawal from Sinai All Israeli troops to be pulled out within three years
- Four Sinai airfields would be turned er to Egypt, which could then be used for civilian purposes
- Sea lanes would be opened to Israeli ships through the Gulf of Suez, the Straights of Tiron and the Gulf of Aqaba
- Partial demilitarization of the Sinai with peacekeeping forces from the United Nations based in the north, near to the border of Israel
Also included in the agreement was a vague reference to the West Bank of the Jordan River and the Gaza Strip Under the agreement, self rule would be granted the 11 million Palestinians now living there, coupled with a partial withdrawal of Israeli troops The final decision on the two areas is to be decided upon after a five-year transitional period Within three years, talks between Israel, Egypt, Jordan and elected West Bank and Gaza representatives would commence to decide the final status ‘ of the two occupied areas
The immediate reaction of the other Arab nations was predictable, The Saudis rejected the Camp David agreements, declaring it to be an inadequate formula for a definitive peace. King Hussein of Jordan whose participation in the peace negotiations is spelled out also issued a negative response. The Jordan cabinet in a statement said that Jordan “has no legal or ethical commitment to the Camp David agreement, in which it took no part.”
The more radical Arab states, Syria, Algeria, Libya, Yeman and the P.L.O. (known as the “Arab Steadfastness and Confrontation Front”) voiced their resistance to the accord and opened a “counter-summit” on September 20th to devise means by which the Begin-Sadat effort can be torpedoed. The greatest affront to them was Sadat’s determination to sign a peace treaty with Israel.
President Carter emerged from the conferences with the understanding that the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the West Bank would be achieved within the five year period, and that settlements there would be suspended until an interim government run by Palestinians had been established. However, Israel’s Prime Minister Begin plans to keep troops on the West Bank well beyond the five year transitional period. Begin’s authority, Israel’s leader claims, lies in the Bible: “I believe with all my heart that the Jewish people have the right to obtain sovereignty over Judea and Samaria.”
Although Sadat’s aim in reaching an agreement with Israel on the Sinai question was to lay a foundation for the resolving of two other questions: Israel’s withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, and the settlements there, he is powerless to either speak for other Arabs or to make commitments for them. The West Bank accord is only the beginning. Nothing further can be determined until Jordan, Syria and the Palestinians decide to enter into negotiations.
Russia’s Increasing Military Strength
If a peace treaty is finalized between Egypt and Israel, the Arabs will find themselves facing a loss in military strength. Their ability to wage a war against Israel will be greatly reduced. Although Russia stands ready to supply weapons to them, the Arabs are hesitant about becoming too involved and defendant upon the Kremlin. Their greatest fear is becoming “Arab Cubas” under the Soviet power. Russia is finding itself working under serious handicaps in its efforts to boost its influence in the Mideast. Still stinging from the United States’ success in excluding the Kremlin from any role in the peace treaty, Russia finds deep suspicions of her intentions in the Mideast by the Arabs. At the present time, Russia does not want a confrontation with the United States over the Mideast, and is more concerned with continuing the Strategic-arms-limitation talks.
Of great alarm to American Strategists is the Kremlin’s continuing building up of her military strength. By 1983, most analysts predict, Russia will achieve an unprecedented advantage over the United States. As reported in the U.S. News and World Report; “With that advantage, the Soviets will be in a position to threaten a knockout attack against America’s entire system of land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, continue to confront Western Europe with superior forces and intervene in remote crisis spots with increasing vigor. But there is another side to this picture, Russia’s impressive gains in military strength will coincide with worsening economic difficulties in the Kremlin, a growing challenge from China, probable strains in relations with Eastern Europe’s Communist states and further disintegration of the world Communist movement. In this situation, strategic analysts warn, the Soviets will be tempted to exploit their military advantage before the U.S. can reverse the balance and before the Kremlin feels the full effect of economic and political pressures.”
It is feared that a major conflict could take place as the U.S. and its NATO Allies in Europe take steps to challenge Russia’s bid for military superiority. Prof. Samuel P. Huntington, director of Harvard University’s Center for International Affairs observed: “Historically — and we can cite Hitler as an example — crisis and conflicts occur when one power has gotten a lead and the other party wakes up and attempts to catch up.” A key member of Henry Kissinger’s foreign-policy in the Nixon and Ford administrations concurred with Prof. Huntington: “Very roughly, it would appear that the optimal period for Soviet security policy will be the next five years or so. After that, trends may be more adverse. The overwhelming question therefore is whether the Soviet Union will try to take advantage of this optimal period to insure against some of the problems that will beset them in the late 1980s.” Hyland also observed, “Soviet strategy already gives some signs of a thrust toward the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, where the European and Japanese sources of oil are located. It can be argued, therefore, that we are already witnessing the political consequences resulting from a shift in the overall military balance.”
What is most feared is Russia’s newly acquired capacity to project military power into areas far from its borders. This capability has been witnessed in Moscow’s successful intervention in Angola and Ethiopia. Russia first transported Cuban forces into those trouble spots and then supported them with a substantial sea and air lift. A specialist from the Pentagon noted that the Soviet military manuals are devoting more space to possible operations in distant parts of the world. He explained, “Soviet troops are being inculcated with the notion that they may be asked to go aboard to protect the coming world order. This contrasts with past emphasis on defense of the Soviet homeland itself. If this trend continues, it will have major significance for us.”
This increasing mobility is of great concern to the United States, particularly in view of Russia’s deep-rooted interest in the Middle East. The Kremlin’s move toward the Persian Gulf with its vital oil supplies is considered as one of the most ominous threats to world stability. It is feared that Russia may launch an invasion, counting on a “paralysis of will” in Washington, in Saudi Arabia, Iran or elsewhere. With the unstable conditions in Iran, should a pro-Soviet government emerge it would provide the Kremlin with the ability to control all the Mideast oil. Russia’s own oil reserves are dwindling, and it is estimated that in a few short years she will be transformed from a major oil exporter, earning nearly 5 billion dollars on foreign sales, to an importer, spending as much as 10 billion dollars in 1985 for foreign oil!
In view of Russia’s poor economic posture and powerful military capability, she might feel that a military invasion in the Middle East is the most timely if executed within the next five years.