A month ago, the Emperors of Russia, Austria, and Germany met face to face in Berlin. There was a great flocking of princes to the German capital on the occasion, and for several days, pomp and pageantry prevailed to an extent said to be unparalleled in the history of the world. Military parade naturally formed the foremost feature of the festivities. The newspapers were much occupied in describing the proceedings and the personal relations of the three men whose coming together made all the stir. To those who are watching the finger of God, these do not present features of special interest. The presence of Bismark and Gortschakoff and Andrassy are more to them than all the banqueting and reviewing. The meaning of the meeting is that which concerns them. As to this, there may not be exact information so far as the actual deliberations of the three important personages and their counsellors is concerned, but there can be no doubt as to its deep and extensive significance and ultimate effects upon the European situation. It was allowed to transpire that three objects, at all events, were aimed at in the International Congress: the tying of the hands of the Papacy; the checking of French aspirations for vengeance; and the repression of the International. It was presumed that a compact between three potentates, who command about 4,000,000 soldiers between them, would ensure any purpose which they might agree to carry out. Man proposes but God disposes, and sometimes brings about His disposing’s by man’s proposing’s. Germany was naturally the prime mover in the scheme. She has most to gain from a friendly understanding with her powerful neighbours. France, panting for revenge, is hourly acquiring more preparedness for the spring at Germany’s throat which might, in the natural order of things, imperil the fruits of German victory, and strangely reverse the present situation of things. Rome, gnawing her tongue for pain in the mire of political degradation into which German triumph has been the means of precipitating her, seeks daily to wield her immense influence among millions of votaries to undermine the new German empire and pave the way for that restoration of French ascendancy which she regards as the sine qua non of her own return to temporal power. The International, spreading in Germany, represents a force which is inimical to the despotic form of the German government, and which, sooner or later, might make its voice loudly heard in the settlement of constitutional questions in Germany.
These three things Bismark fears and wishes to arm himself against, by a compact with the two military despotisms which abut on the frontiers of Germany. But how was such a compact to be formed? How was Russia, for instance, to be induced to lend her influence to the consolidation of German conquests? Emperors and politicians do not act from considerations of humanity or friendship. They can only be made to move on the principle of quid pro quo. What inducement was Bismark able to offer Russia as an equivalent for her adhesion to German policy? There is only one consideration he could offer at all adequate to the occasion. Russia secured the restoration of the Black Sea by her “benevolent neutrality” in the Franco-German war. What had Bismark left to offer as the price of her continued friendship in the face of multiplying perils to Germany? The answer points in one direction. Russian designs on Turkey are to be winked at. This is announced as a fact in a letter from Berlin which appeared in the Daily Telegraph, on Tuesday, October 8th. The writer declares Bismark’s decision to undertake the Eastern question in favour of Russia. This is cheering intelligence, for upon the solution of the Eastern question hangs the hope of the saints. Russia must take her appointed place as the latter-day leader of the rushing nations, before we can see that hand uplifted which shall break the power of the Gentile, and establish the throne of David as the government of all the earth. In this connection, the following newspaper extracts are interesting:—
Each of the potentates draws to himself special scrutiny; but there is one of the three who brings a mysterious power to the distinguished gathering. It is not the Emperor of Austria, for he has missed the floodtide which leads on to fortune, and the dark list of his mishaps does not promise to issue in a bright future. Nor is it the Emperor William. His life-work was done after he had seen his great statesman guide triumphantly the forces which shaped the unity of Germany. Wild, indeed must be his ambition if he is not satisfied with the place which he will hold in history, as the king who reigned while Bismarck intrigued, Von Roon organised, and Von Moltke prepared to strike. Such credit as can fall to kings will be given to him for his share in doing the greatest military work of the nineteenth century. But the colossal task has been finished, the Emperor is now an old man, and already he belongs to the past. Far different, however, is the position occupied by the Emperor of All the Russias, who emphatically appertains not to the past but to the future. He comes as the lord, master, and at the same time high-priest of a nation which will perchance play such a part as to eclipse the deeds of even the dreams of Peter the Great, or the scarcely less famous Catherine. A western imagination finds it difficult to grasp the proportions or character of the country which belongs to the plain elderly gentleman who will be so much stared at by the people of Berlin to-day. When the traveller crosses the Russian frontier, and goes among the common people of the country, he finds that he has entered a new world. Its mere physical distances are appalling to any one who has formed his ideas in the West. An acquaintance even with the United States does not prepare one to understand what is meant by a State which including Siberia, measures 7,770,000 English square miles. That is the size of a continent, rather than of a single country; and distances which seem great even in America appear immense in Russia, which has no railways save those that run almost in a straight line between the chief military stations of the Empire. The Czar himself has not seen the thousandth part of the mighty state to which he is an earthly providence. It is so vast as to be a mystery to its own people; many of the provinces lie so far apart that each hardly knows the other to exist. Thus, it is not over one nation, but a series of nations, that the Muscovite Czar extends his sceptre; and yet there is no anarchy, no disunion, no lack of power to make the whole state respond to its extremities in St. Petersburgh. On the contrary, it is so united that many other nations seem by comparison, but loose splinters of humanity.
Such, in size and unity, is the Empire for which his Russian Majesty is to speak in the august conference. What will he do with it? Fortunately, he is essentially a man of peace, and the times have made it easy for him to keep out of any great war ever since that of the Crimea. But the present is only a breathing-time, and Russia has a policy as well defined as that of Rome, which will be more or less carried into act, if not by the present Emperor, at least by his successors. That is the policy of extending the boundaries of the Empire until it shall include all men of the Sclavonic race until the sea-board shall be increased, and Constantinople form the outlet of Southern Russia; and, finally, until the Asiatic frontier line shall be drawn indefinitely beyond the present limit. Such is the traditional purpose of Russia, sometimes waived for a season, often hidden, always denied, but never abandoned, it remains the fixed idea of the people, and perhaps they could not be weaned away from it, even by a Czar who should wield the tremendous powers of his office with the intellect of a Napoleon.—Daily Telegraph.
There are few countries about which our ideas are so vague as they are concerning that huge empire whose head is lost in deserts of ice, and whose feet are bathed in the warm sunny waves of southern seas, while with one arm it lays hold on the heart of Asia, and with the other makes the conqueror of France conscious of fear. An unqualified despotism—a population of serfs scattered over a half-peopled country—a sledge in the foreground—with Siberia stretching away into neutral tint. Such is the picture before the “mind’s eye” of most of us. It may sound startling, therefore, to say that, this country—these Sclave populations—stretching far and wide—dim, undefined—apparently sodden with stupor of a slavery that is appalling when all the circumstances are not known which relieve the darkness—claim to have a mission to perform in regard to Europe and Asia loftier than the children of Germanic forests fulfilled in regard to the effete and decaying empire of Rome. Those millions who seem like so much dust on interminable highways, ready to be raised by the breath of the Czar at any moment and driven in cloudy pillars whither he listeth, have admirable social qualities. It is somewhat strange, therefore, that when speaking of the meeting between the triad of Emperors in Berlin, the Czar is spoken of as if really that Sclave empire could be moulded by him as he pleased. To the great mass of the people he is indeed high priest as well as emperor, but Sclave human nature would be different from that of all other races if the main pillar of his limitless authority was not that he shares the feelings and aspirations which stir them. If they are heirs of the policy of Peter the Great, he has inherited it by the right of double succession. And what is that policy? To extend the empire until every Sclave shall be within the fold of Holy Russia—until the Russian fleets shall sweep the Bosphorus at pleasure, and a Russian official send forth the ukase of his master from the palace of the Moslem. About this time last year discontent with the policy of the Government of St. Petersburgh was so unmistakable, that it was thought necessary to publish in the St. Petersburgh Gazette, a vindication of the policy of sitting still—for the present; and we may be permitted to remark that there is more significance in the language of the official journal than in the royal salutations and formal courtesies at Berlin. The Panslavists had become alarmed; they are gently rebuked for their enthusiasm, and it is expressly pointed out that precipitancy might be perilous, while patience would ensure the plum dropping into the judiciously open mouth. Germany gained a great deal by the war of 1870, and Russia gained nearly as much; it has made the Muscovite the arbiter of the peace of Europe, made her friendliness absolutely necessary to Germany—for the prophetic ear can already hear the sound of heavy gun-carriages between the vine-clad hills and above the pleasant valleys which stretch between Paris and Metz; and if Russia should ally herself with France, the new empire, for all the guarantees of Bismarck, would be in a dangerous state. The only quarter from which Berlin need expect much to disturb its slumbers is from Russia. On the north-east Prussia is quite unprotected, and there would be nothing but the valour of troops to prevent an army pouring across the Wiemen. Why, then, should Russia remain quiet? Kings, and saviours of society, and great rulers with missions, have always wanted a quid pro quo. Where is the quid here? How long will the Russians be content with passivity? When will the time for their regenerating march begin?
Some light may be thrown on these questions if we remember that the moment Russia saw that Germany was victorious in the late war, she commenced to reorganize her forces, so as to be able to put, if necessary, over 1,200,000 men into the field. The work of organization has gone on, but time is required to perfect it, and there can be no doubt that Russia is not yet ready. The high tone held by Gortschakoff in regard to the Black Sea is still, however, fresh in men’s memories, and it may be that preparations had so far progressed that Bismark thought it well, if possible, to prevent the future. Who can know what arrangements have been made? And if the statu quo has been decided on as the joint policy of the three, of what possible importance can it be? Friendly understandings amongst kings are binding only while convenient. The Emperor William was an honoured guest at Versailles but, as it were, the day before he entered it an invader. And we may be sure, whenever the Russian Government think they are ready, the desire of the Panslavists to try and fulfil their “mission” will be gratified. With what results? Will the Crimea repeat itself? Will the Sclave realize his cherished ambitions? and should he do so, will civilization regain some of its lost strength and simplicity? These are questions which must be left to time to answer. All that is certain is that there is a cloud over Europe—a brooding heaviness in the air like that which precedes a storm—and that cloud cannot be dissipated nor that heaviness dispelled by anything crowned heads can do, short of general disarmament.—Toronto Globe.
The Restoration of Sebastopol
The following account of the project for the restoration of Sebastopol is given by the Sebastopol Gazette. Towards the end of last month a special meeting of ministers and other officials was held, under the presidentship of the Grand Duke Constantine, for the purpose of considering the plans which had been prepared for their inspection with respect to the proposed alterations in the Crimean harbours. The result was that the Government has determined to found a great shipbuilding establishment at Nicolaef, but to give Sebastopol a commercial significance, without, however, losing sight of the advantages it offers for the harbouring of a fleet. It is proposed “to concentrate in Sebastopol the means of fitting out and supplying ships of war,” and a dock, magazines, and manufactories will be built there for that purpose. The south bay will probably be devoted to the reception of vessels both of war and of commerce. The eastern side, with the exception of the Korabelnaya Bay, will belong to the naval board, while the west side will be made over to the commercial authorities. As regards the fortification of the port, the following plans are proposed:—1, Land batteries are to be constructed upon the headlands on both sides of the harbour, in order to keep a hostile fleet at a distance; 2, Isolated forts with shore batteries are to be built facing the Cossack, Kamiesch, and Stryelets Bays, and at Balaclava; and the Sassun-Gora position is to be strengthened by separate fortifications and batteries from Balaclava to the end of the Great Bay; and 3, For the security of the north side, and in view of a possible debarkation, along the river Kacha or at Eupatoria, it is proposed to throw out two forts, disposing them so that they will command the mouths of the river Belbeck.
Russia’s Intentions
Russia having given indications of being about to open Sebastopol, probably as an outpost against Turkey, the old supporters of that power seem considerably excited at its threatened danger. There can be no doubt as to Russia’s intention in opening the port. It is but forty-eight hours’ sail from the Bosphorus; and the desire of planting the Russian flag on St. Sophia is felt by all classes of the people, from the noble to the peasant; and they look forward ardently to the consummation of their wish. It would be the duty of England, in case of an attack, to support Turkey, and the attitude of Russia excites much comment by the English press. The Telegraph is of the opinion that Russia’s design in opening the port yet remains to be seen, and that whatever may be in store for Turkey, England will not repeat the strategy of 1853; that Russia would find Turkey strong and a determined enemy.—American Paper.
Russian Designs on India
Another warlike struggle is shadowed forth by an influential journal published at St. Petersburgh. In an article relative to conquests in Central Asia it says: “No one can doubt that Russia has not attained her natural frontiers in Turkestan; she must, and her government knows it, advance as far as China on the east, and to Persia and Affghanistan on the south. Bokhara and Khiva cannot be depended upon; they are quiet only so long as they tremble. England sees that it is their destiny sooner or later to become Russian, and she takes her measures accordingly. Yakoob Khan has received 3000 new rifles from India, and sixty English scientific officers have come to the Khanate to organize the various branches of military administration. The Ameer of Bokhara, too, applies to the Sultan to accept him as his vassal. Russia must not wait for the English to provide her enemies with sufficient arms and teach them European tactics. England, secure in her maritime position, everywhere checks the policy of Russia in central Asia, where she supports the native states, and in eastern Europe, where she supports the Sultan and the Austrian government against their refractory subjects. The best thing Russia can do to put a stop to these machinations is to approach England in central Asia, as she cannot menace her by sea.
The “Drying Up” of the Political Euphrates
A good deal has recently been said about reforms in the Turkish Empire. These appear, however, to be more in the nature of an expiring flicker than a re-kindling of real political energy. The Sultan, dissatisfied with the reckless way in which his Grand Vizier was pushing forward his reforms in the administration, has taken an attitude towards him that has resulted in his resignation; Midhat Pasha, the Governor-General of Bagdad, has been appointed his successor. The civil and criminal tribunals have been reconstituted, and the number of Christian judges reduced by one fourth, their places being filled by Mahommedans. The town prefect of Constantinople has commenced a crusade against the tramway system, and, being unable to tear up the trams, has ordered the destruction of six of the seven tramway stations. The tramway company has claimed compensation, and it is expected that this new “reform” will cost the government a considerable sum of money.
The political evaporation of the empire is strikingly illustrated in a pamphlet published some time ago by Zia Bey, who has since its publication become private secretary to the Sultan. The pamphlet is entitled “On the present situation of the Ottoman Empire,” and expresses in the strongest manner condemnation of the condition of Turkey and of the designs of Russia. The writer sets out by saying that he is well fitted to speak with authority on the state of Turkey, having been twenty-five years in the public service, as private secretary of the late and the present Sultan, as Chancellor in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as Minister of Justice, &c. He goes on: “Absolute government is the principal cause of this state of things—a government which in no way resembles any other, even the most despotic monarchies. The absolute power of the Sublime Porte is not exercised by the sovereign, and has neither his greatness nor the glory of the Empire as its aim. It lies in the hands of some high dignitaries, who abuse the confidence of the Sultan, who cause themselves to be regarded as indispensable, and who have succeeded in shutting him up in his own palace, and in erecting an impassable barrier between him and the world. The most capable men are kept away lest the true state of things should be revealed. The Porte to-day has scarcely such a thing as a political standard. It depends for the most part on the ability of the representatives of foreign powers. The nominations are often subordinated to the caprice of the Embassies; high positions in the country are entrusted to ignorant, unpopular, and worthless men; the people are oppressed by high taxes—are decimated by arbitrary recruiting, and are driven to despair by the abuse of authority. The public accounts, without any control, and subject to no responsibility, exhaust the resources of the State. The partiality of the law courts begets injustice. In short, the administration is arbitrary and most incapable.” And here is how the author speaks of Russia. “Russia, always faithful to her traditional policy, pursues ceaselessly her plans of aggrandisement; she daily pours more poison into the veins of the Ottoman Empire; she possesses numerous agents, guided by her Ambassador in Constantinople; she extracts profit from the least opportunities that present themselves; she arms at the frontiers; she endeavours to incite different populations to insurrection. Russia, that excites rebellions in the East, overflows with hatred against the national elevation of Poland, at whose destruction she works with all her strength in violation of all the feelings of law, justice, and humanity.”—The Grand Duke Nicholas has been visiting Constantinople where he lunched with the Sultan who conferred upon him one of the honours with which kings delight to honour one another. The announcement tempts one to think of two animals, one of which is given to wearing the clothing of the other.
Turkey and Egypt
It is interesting to note the further severance of Egypt from Turkish vassalage, implied in the extension to the Viceroy, by the Sultan, of the right of succession to the crown in his family. When the present Viceroy came into power, Egypt was a mere pashalic of Turkey, to which the right of nominating a pasha or governor as much belonged to the Turkish Emperor as the right of appointing a governor of Canada belongs to Queen Victoria. During his reign (for such it is), Egypt has been elevated to a position of virtual independence and now ranks as a kingdom with a hereditary monarch, bearing a nominal subjection to the Porte.
Egypt and Abyssinia
There is trouble brewing here which may open the way for England’s latter day position in Egypt. Attention has been called to it in the House of Commons. Egypt is fitting out a military expedition against Abyssinia. At first it was stated to be a mere police party, so to speak, to defend the Egyptians on the frontier against the incursions of Abyssinian marauders; but it turns out to be a more serious affair. Abyssinia has been disorganised since the British expedition there. The death of Theodore has resulted in the breaking up of the government such as it was, and the division of power among three or four parties whose quarrels are bringing the country into anarchy. The idea is attributed to Egypt of seeking to take advantage of this state of things to annex Abyssinia. Abyssinia is professedly Christian, while Egypt is Mahommedan, and England is urged to interpose in Abyssinia’s defence. England must acquire an influential position in Egypt in connection with the coming of the Lord; and it is interesting to note the occurrence of disturbances that may easily lead to that result.
Russia and the Holy Land
The Grand Duke Nicholas is announced on a visit to Jerusalem: and it is said the Empress is to take up her abode there during the winter. The Grand Duke likewise extends his journey to Egypt. The presence of these Russian celebrities, in countries to which Russia is prophetically destined so soon to sustain so intimate a relation, is noteworthy as suggestive of the activity of influences which may develop that relation. The coming of Our Beloved is so desirable, that the smallest indication gives gladness to the heart.
The Roman Question
The adverse current which set in with such irresistible force against the Papal Power in 1866, continues to be illustrated in every incident. The war of 1870 removed the last obstacle to complete political ruin. The Pope looked to the struggle for very different results. He was led to expect salvation from the German victories. The Nazione gives some curious revelations on this point. It says: “When he first arrived at Rome, where he was accredited on the 17th of December, 1864, Count Arnim showed anything but admiration for the policy of Italy, and he conveyed to Cardinal Antonelli, with the concurrence of M. de Bismarck, assurances which were accepted in all seriousness by the Cardinal, and which, as they were not confirmed by events, placed the Count in a very unpleasant position. Before the war of 1870, it was the interest of Prussia to maintain friendly relations with Italy, without alienating the Pope, and Count Arnim was, though perhaps without knowing it, a useful instrument of this necessity of Prussian policy. The object was completely attained, and Cardinal Antonelli placed such confidence in the Count’s assurances that when the war broke out he openly expressed his sympathy for Prussia . . . The triumphs of Weissenburg, Wörthe, and Sedan were celebrated at the Vatican as the precursors of the reconquest of Umbria and the Marches—perhaps also of the Legature. It was confidently believed that the victorious King William would hasten to come forward as the hero of legitimacy, and that he would replace the dispossessed Princes on their thrones and humiliate Italian pride.
Count Arnim left Rome a few days after the war broke out, but the relations between the Cafarelli Palace, where the Prussian Embassy were quartered, and the Vatican continued to be as intimate as ever. These illusions were soon dispelled when the Italian Government decided on the expedition to Rome. Count Arnim returned, and the Pope thought he was saved.
But the Court did nothing to prevent General Cadorna from marching into the Holy City, and occupying it on behalf of Italy.
For a long series of centuries the Emperor of Austria has been the military element of the Papal Horn which has dominated Europe. Hence, the title which he alone was privileged to wear, “His Apostolic Majesty.” In 1866, however, a complete change was brought about in his relations to the “Holy See.” Driven out of Italy and Germany, and thrown into the hands of the anti-church liberals, at home he was isolated from the Roman Impostor. This “Apostolic” title became an empty name. The significance of the following newspaper paragraph will be appreciated in this connection:—
“A somewhat significant change in the titles of the head of the Royal family of Austro-Hungary is announced as likely to be made. From a letter from Vienna to the Fanfulla at Rome, we learn that at a recent Council of Ministers, it was decided, subject of course to the approval of the Emperor, that in future the chief of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and his successors shall continue the title of Imperial and Royal Majesty, but that they will dispense with that of Apostolic Majesty. This is a sign of times for the Vatican.”—Morning News.
When Victor Emmanuel took possession of the “States of the Church,” he extended to them the right of municipal and parliamentary representation. The Papal party, refusing to recognise the authority of Victor Emmanuel in the Pope’s domains, abstained from the elections by instructions from the Vatican, in consequence of which the National (anti-Pope) party had it all their own way. At the last municipal elections, however, different tactics were pursued. The Pope had come to the conclusion that as there was no hope of relief from any quarter, he had better see what he could do for himself by putting men in municipal authority in the Italian towns who would promote his interests. He, therefore, gave the signal for the Catholics throughout Italy to put forth all their exertions to return Papal candidates. The result has been a complete Papal defeat, even in Rome, where the Pope made sure of a triumph. The clerical candidates were everywhere beaten. There were enthusiastic demonstrations in all the cities in celebration of the liberal victory, and thus the Papacy sinks lower and lower in the mire in which she has fallen. Still we read “nil desperandum” is the motto not only of the Pope but of the clerical journals in Rome. The Osservatore Romano, in an article entitled “The Papacy and History,” says, “After so many cruel attacks and persecutions, the Church defeated, dispersed, and overthrew Paganism, and on its very seat, planted the standard of the Catholic faith. If the most powerful Emperors could not succeed in destroying the Church when she was still in the beginning of her development, who but a madman could suppose that the ridiculous pigmies of the present century, Buonapartes, the Cavours, the Bismarks, the Beusts, and their mean disciples should have the force to overthrow Catholicism, which now gathers in its bosom more than 260 millions of believers, and reckons 19 centuries of astounding victories.”
On the anniversary of the Italian occupation of Rome, a week or two ago, a deputation of sympathisers waited on the Pope, at the Vatican, to condole with him. In his reply to their condolences, he said that the triumph of the Church was certain. It might not be in his day, but come it must at the last. False prophet as he is, this is the sort of prediction to be expected. To express the truth, it has to be read backwards.
In this connection it is appropriate to note the preparations for the election of a successor to the present occupier of the chair of St. Peter. The old gentleman is very old, and may be expected soon to fill another piece of joiner’s mechanism than a chair (though he is said to have a brother about 90 years old).
The peculiarity of those preparations, in their relation to the signs of the times, is this, that they are being superintended by powers hostile to the Papacy with the view of getting a successor into the chair who will be more pliable in their hands than Pio Nono. The following telegram illustrates what we mean:—
It is said that the German Government has applied to the four Powers which have the right of veto in the election of Popes to ascertain if it is possible to come to an understanding with regard to the conditions of the future Conclave. It is said that three of these Powers have manifested a feeling favourable to the proposal, and that the fourth has rejected any proposal of the kind as inopportune.
The troubles for the world, with which this Roman question is pregnant, are indicated in the following newspaper utterances:—
“Everywhere the priesthood is manifesting a devouring ambition and putting forth a strange activity; everywhere it is claiming supremacy; everywhere it is at war with the best hopes, the loftiest aspirations, and the highest interests of man, not only with his political progress and his intellectual advancement, but also with his spiritual growth and welfare. In Germany and in Italy, in France and in Spain, in England and in Ireland, Sacerdotalism is lifting up its head, is striving its utmost not only to regain its lost dominion, but to win a new and pretentious sovereignty; not only to sustain old pretensions, but to set up new and enormous dogmas. Everywhere the end is the same; but the means differ according to the different circumstances of each country. The same fight is fought everywhere; but the aspect of the battle varies in various regions. The Sacerdotalists have not the same opponents to encounter, and the same form of resistance to overcome, in every land. In Great Britain and Ireland, and, perhaps, in France, the government professes to be neutral; here the Sacerdotalists both without and within the Anglican Church have simply to weaken the intellects and to pervert the consciences of individuals. In Germany, Italy, and Spain, the Government is hostile; the priests have not only to seduce the people, but to subvert the civil power. In Great Britain they profess attachment to the institutions of the country; even in Ireland the Romish priesthood does not now directly attack the Government. But in Germany, Italy, and Spain the civil power is directly assailed; the institutions of the country are attacked. The insurrection of the Spanish Absolutists, now almost put down, was got up by the clergy. The darling object of the Papacy is to unmake the kingdom of Italy, to destroy Italian unity, and overthrow the Italian Government. Hostility to the German Empire is a strong passion with the Jesuits and Ultramontanes. They seek to embarrass its movements, and hinder its peaceful development; they would withdraw Germany from the guidance of Prussia, would fain unseat the house of Hohenzollern, and undo the work of Prince Bismark; vanquish the conqueror of Austria, and subdue the subjugator of France. It is the political institutions both of Germany and Italy that are directly assailed by the Roman priesthood. It is the governments of Germany and Italy which lead the national resistance to the encroachments of Sacerdotalism, and come into immediate collision with the Roman See. In the Jesuits and other religious orders, they recognise the chief satellites of the Papacy, and the most formidable agents in the warfare which it is waging against them. The German and Italian Governments have fallen vigorously upon these servants of the hostile power. Germany has proscribed the Jesuits; Italy contemplates the abolition of the religious orders of Rome.
These vigorous measures have stirred up the wrath of the Pope, and of his dutiful children throughout the world. The Holy Father denounces a war without truce against the kingdom of Italy, and invokes a stone to crush the German Colossus. The English Roman Catholics have just held a public meeting to protest against these proceedings, to condole with the Pontiff and the Jesuits, and to denounce the Governments of Germany and Italy. Prince Bismark was singled out for especial denunciation.—Morning News.The age is full of puzzles and enigmas; the issue of many of its leading questions is involved in the utmost uncertainty; the destiny of some of its conspicuous personages and powers is covered by the thickest obscurity. Among its puzzles and perplexities none is more remarkable than the prospects of the Roman Church; not one of its secrets more defies penetration than the destiny of the Papacy. That long-enduring institution has entered upon a new era, and is confronted by an entirely new set of circumstances, is encompassed by perils which it has never before encountered, and has to deal with difficulties wherewith it has never before dealt. The promulgation of tho dogma of Papal infallibility has thrown it into a new path; the results of the war between Austria and Prussia in 1866, and the war between France and Germany in 1870, have stripped it of old allies, have withdrawn from it ancient props, and subverted a long-standing policy, rendering a new course of action necessary, and new confederates and fellow-workers desirable, and in these latter days has waged a not less furious warfare with the principles of Nationality, seeking the support of all established governments, but retaining an especial connection with the Roman Catholic powers, Austria and France.These two states, that with England, Prussia, and Russia, made up the Five Great Powers—that famous Pentarchy which managed the affairs of Europe for just half a century, from 1815 to 1866, from the battle of Waterloo to the battle of Sadowa—have each fallen before another member of that body: Prussia. In striking down Austria and France, Prince Bismark has struck down the two political allies and supporters of the Papacy. The unification of Italy has made an end of its aiders and abettors, the petty Italian princes, as it made an end of the Pope himself as an Italian potentate; while the Spanish Revolution of 1868 has estranged from it another Catholic power. The Roman Church has lost her hold upon secular governments just as Papal infallibility was raised into a dogma. There are now no Roman Catholic powers. The Papacy, for the first time during its wonderfully large and various experience, finds itself without the support of a strong secular government, finds itself utterly forsaken by monarchs. No armies are at its disposal; no statesmen offer their services. The civil power throughout the Continent feels itself affronted and defied by the doctrines of the syllabus and the dogma of infallibility, and manifests its hostility accordingly. The governments and parliaments of Germany and Italy have already devised anti-Papal measures and passed anti-Papal enactments. It is reported that one object of the objects of the meeting of the three Emperors at Berlin is to restrain the action and resist the encroachments of the Popedom.In this desperate fight, what will the Papacy do?—Same paper.
The Origin of the Organic World – Part One