Introduction
In an article, “Sennacherib’s Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.”, L. D. Levine, observes that in contrast to other Assyrian monarchs, Sennacherib’s military campaigns were conducted mainly in the south in/towards/around Babylonia (six out of eight campaigns).[1] We might ask what was troublesome about the south and Babylon in Sennacherib’s day and how this is of relevance to the Bible.
Relevance to the Bible
What Sennacherib was doing in the south in and around Babylon is relevant to how we read Isaiah. First, the importance of Babylon in the days of Hezekiah is mirrored in the troubles the region gave to Sennacherib; over a period of fifteen years it is fair to say that there was a power struggle going on between Sennacherib and his enemies in the south: Babylon, the Chaldean tribes and Elam. The region was important to Sennacherib and worthy of note in the prophecies of Isaiah.
Secondly, Merodach-Baladan was a protagonist in 703 and 700 and he is mentioned as sending ambassadors (princes) to Hezekiah in 700; the involvement of Elam in the struggle for Southern Mesopotamia at this time explains Isaiah’s mention of a “Cyrus” which is a typical Elamite name, and a throne name of the Achaemenids who were in power at the time in Anshan/Parsumash, a province of Elam.
Thirdly, Sennacherib’s fourth campaign of his reign was conducted in 700 in the south against Babylon. His presence and a state of war in the region affects what we can say about the return of any Judahites deported to this area during 701. A state of war tends to produce chaotic conditions, disruption to the local economy, refugees and the movement of population. The opportunity for the return of any Judahites would was being created in this situation by the angel of the Lord. This would not be a happy and peaceful return, but a “fleeing” back to Judah, which is Isaiah’s testimony (Isa 48:20).
Finally, the deportation of some Judahites to Southern Mesopotamia in 701 offers an explanation for Sennacherib’s fourth campaign. Levine poses the question as to why Sennacherib had to return to the south to subdue unrest so soon after his successful campaign in the region in 704-703. A reason that Levine does not consider, and the one proposed here, is that the unrest was caused by the deportation of Judahites to the area.
That Sennacherib would have deported some Judahites to border regions such as Babylon and Elam is established by Assyrian policy on deportation which was to populate the borders; they reasoned that foreigners would add to the stability of these areas because they would be loyal to the Assyrian king rather than the indigenous peoples who had a tendency to rebel.
The brief presence of Judahites in the south would have given Merodach-Baladan a catalyst for organising and inciting revolt; it would have given him knowledge of what was happening in the West; and it would have given him something to offer Hezekiah (the return of Judahites) when he sent the princes and ambassadors to Judah.
The devastated condition of Jerusalem and Judah and the presence of deportees in Southern Mesopotamia gave Merodach-Baladan a reason to send a delegation to Hezekiah (a diplomatic contact that is otherwise inexplicable). The dialogue in Isaiah reflects his stance: Yahweh, through his prophet, rejects Merodach-Baladan’s offers to help rebuild Jerusalem, the temple, and the country, and to return the deported captives; it is Yahweh who would do these things.
Sennacherib’s Fourth Campaign
Sennacherib’s first and second campaigns[2] (704-703) are not our concern and are covered fully by Levine. Our interest is in what happened after these campaigns in the time between their completion and Sennacherib’s return to the south in 700. This is now Sennacherib’s fourth campaign of his reign (the third having been in the Levant). Levine compares the Bellino Cylinder (702) and the Rassam Cylinder (700) and what they say about the successful conclusion of the first and second campaigns. Levine gives the relevant texts as follows,[3]
Bellino (Month 8, 702)
Bel-ibni, a member of the Rab-Bani class and scion of Babylon who had grown up like a young puppy in my palace, I appointed to the kingship of Akkad and Sumer over them (the Babylonians, Chaldeans, etc.).Rassam (Month 2, 700)
Bel-ibni, a member of the Rab-Bani class, I placed on his (Merodach-Baladan’s) throne. I made the people of Akkad subject to him. Over all the Chaldean districts, I appointed my officials as governors and imposed on them (the Chaldeans) the yoke of my lordship.
Levine’s comment on the differences is,
This type of revisionism is not unusual in the Sennacherib texts, the most striking example being the way the fate of Ashur-nadin-shumi is treated. But in this case the revisionism contains additional facts. Thus it would appear that in the time between the composition of the Bellino cylinder in viii/702 and the composition of the Rassam cylinder eighteen months later in ii/700, the situation in Chaldea had deteriorated sufficiently that Sennacherib had to reassert direct Assyrian control over the situation.[4]
What Sennacherib is doing during 701 (perhaps in 702) is to send governors into the south because of unrest. The appointment of Bel-ibni to the throne in Babylon in 702 was not enough to secure control. The deportation of Judahites to Babylonia during 701 with accompanying governors would explain the additional detail of the Rassam Cylinder. However, as Levine observes the extra governors had little effect because Sennacherib had to conduct military operations in the region in 700.
For some time during 700, Merodach-Baladan claimed the throne of Babylon; his claim was short-lived. Sennacherib was successful in restoring control over the area. Merodach-Baladan fled to Elam.
Conclusion
Accepting the witness of the Bible for the reconstruction of history in Mesopotamia produces a fuller picture of what was happening in 700 and why Sennacherib had to conduct his fourth campaign in the region. Scholars have missed this because they have been misled by the German higher-critical division of the book of Isaiah into three parts with Isaiah 40-48 being assigned to the end of the Babylonian Exile.
[1] L. D Levine, “Sennacherib’s Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.” JCS 34 (1982): 28-58 (29).
[2] Levine merges the first and second campaigns on the basis that the first is in the south and the second is about consolidating what has been won in the south.
[3] The full text is given in D. D. Luckenbill, The Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylon (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1926).
[4] Levine, “Sennacherib’s Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.”, 40.
The Kingdom of God has been a cornerstone of the gospel from the earliest church